Seven years after the Brexit vote shocked Germany, it’s time for the two countries to rediscover common ground. Unfortunately, Berlin is sitting on its hands.
Squeezed between the United States and China when it comes to innovation, the EU has been pointing to the “Brussels Effect.” Producing rules, though, does not compensate for not producing things. Europe needs more inclusive structures that reach beyond its borders rather than closing them down.
Beijing and Moscow are aligned when it comes to fighting the US-led world order. But beyond this common aim, there are many points of bilateral friction.
The Sino-Russian relationship has become a more intractable problem for the transatlantic alliance. The West should continue to concentrate its efforts on Beijing.
As South Korea positions itself as a “global pivotal state,” the country’s dual pursuit of a strong US alliance and greater strategic autonomy may well serve as a lesson for Europe.
Paris no longer sees EU enlargement as an obstacle, but as a catalyst for its “European sovereignty” agenda. It’s an uncertain bet, but there are two good arguments for why an EU that moves further east may pave the way for a “Europe puissance.”
Canadian wildfires recently turned the sky above New York City into a gloomy red. Particles in the air, however, have the beneficial side-effect of cooling planet earth down. Climate scientists are looking into them as an emergency measure.
British Prime Minister Rishi Sunak has failed to build on the Windsor Agreement; relations with the rest of Europe are stagnating. His presumptive successor, Labour Party Leader Keir Starmer, is unlikely to fundamentally change direction, either.
Ukraine’s links with the transatlantic alliance reach back to the 1990s. However, Russia’s brutal war of aggression has led to NATO’s practical cooperation with Ukraine expanding further.
Germany’s announcement of its willingness to deploy 4,000 soldiers to Lithuania was a very welcome development. However, there is scope for an even bigger Berlin role in enhancing the Baltic states’ security.
Germany runs the danger of belatedly arming itself for yesterday’s wars. It needs to fundamentally change the way it thinks about military-technological innovation.
From Tokyo’s point of view, the European and Asian strategic theaters are becoming interlinked. Russia’s war against Ukraine has accelerated Japan’s defense spending and prompted a fundamental change in its strategic culture.
Polling reveals a divide between Europe and the Global South over Russia’s war against Ukraine. Europeans should do more to shore up support for a global coalition against Russian President Vladimir Putin.
The German economy is already paying the price for having put the green energy transition on the backburner. To win the future, it needs four “Ds”: Decarbonization, digitalization, decentralization, and democratization.
