The EU-Western Balkans Summit, which took place on June 5 in Tivat, Montenegro, was dominated by a Franco-German initiative which conveyed an image of unity between Berlin and Paris. The “non-paper,” calling for a more flexible approach to the accession of the Western Balkan states and greater flexibility in the accession process at large, was subsequently endorsed by European Council President António Costa, Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, and European Parliament President Roberta Metsola. However, the host country, Montenegro, also the most advanced of all current candidate states to join the EU, politely declined.
The proposal can be seen as a logical follow-up to German Chancellor Friedrich Merz’ initiative reported on May 22: in a letter to Costa and von der Leyen, the chancellor spoke out in favor of offering Ukraine an associate membership of the European Union quickly.
Initially, Paris did not give an official response to this initiative. At a press conference in late May, a French government spokesperson responded to a journalist’s question by merely referring them to the formal accession process for candidate countries – a process that must be adhered to. It’s also notable that the Franco-German non-paper makes concrete proposals for the six Western Balkan states and the Republic of Moldova, but (deliberately?) omits Ukraine.
“Geopolitical Necessity”
In spite of this, it seems that even in France the penny has finally dropped that the continued integration of the Balkan states, Moldova, and Ukraine is a “geopolitical necessity,” as French Minister for European Affairs Benjamin Haddad noted in March 2026.
Yet, although it does seem that this understanding has found its way into French political discourse, since French President Emmanuel Macron’s speech in May 2023 at the Globsec conference in Bratislava at the latest, very little has actually happened since then. Unlike Germany, which launched the “Berlin Process” in 2014 under then-Chancellor Angela Merkel, France has not pushed any major political initiatives regarding the Western Balkans.
The 2019 Western Balkans strategy, formed on five pillars and formalized by the Quai d'Orsay, states a clear goal: "The integration of the Western Balkans will contribute to the reunification of the continent." However, French policy remains committed to the established accession process. Franco-German proposals, spearheaded by the then state secretaries for European affairs, Laurence Boone and Anna Lührmann and published in a report in September 2023, were widely discussed among experts at the time. They made suggestions for internal EU reforms and gradual European integration; they, did not, however, meet with any real response at the highest political levels. At the same time, the French 2022 initiative for a European Political Community, which is still active as an informal forum for discussion, is viewed more as an extended waiting room by candidate countries.
Yes, But...
For a long time, France was comfortable stating that expansion was possible, but only on the condition that the European Union reforms itself first— a demand that no one was likely to implement with any haste. This dual approach allowed Paris to avoid having to take a clear position.
However, two recent developments have put an end to this state of limbo. First, France has signed a bilateral agreement with Montenegro, while the Netherlands, as the last country to block the process, has dropped its reservations regarding the country’s accession to the EU. Second, Merz’ push for Ukraine’s association forced France to take a concrete stance, whereas previously it had been able to content itself with a general commitment that had no practical consequences.
The German chancellor’s letter to EU institutions proposes that Ukraine be allowed to participate in certain European Council meetings without voting rights, appoint a commissioner without portfolio, and invoke Article 42.7 of the EU Treaty regarding the mutual assistance obligation. Legally, however, the basis for this remains controversial. According to Merz, no treaty amendments are necessary, a view that several capitals and parts of the European Commission dispute. Politically, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky has rejected the proposal as “unfair” and reaffirmed the goal of full membership by 2027.
Lack of Acceptance in French Society
France’s commitment to enlargement policy remains structurally fragile because it has little public support. Only 43 percent of French people support enlargement, the lowest figure in the entire EU, alongside the Czech Republic. According to the September 2025 Eurobarometer survey, 74 percent said they felt they had little information about enlargement policy.
However, any accession to the EU requires ratification by the French Parliament with a three-fifths majority or a referendum, which currently seems politically out of reach. The far-right Rassemblement National, which polls show is the country’s most likely political force to win the presidency in 2027, opposes any EU expansion, whether it involves Western Balkan countries or Ukraine.
In a country where 57 percent of the population is skeptical of enlargement and the largest political party is openly hostile to it, ratifying an accession treaty will be a major political challenge which government will not be able to circumvent indefinitely. Making the benefits of enlargement clear to the French public will therefore be a necessary first step.
— Translated from the German by Kate Brown
Jeanette Süß is a research fellow at the Committee on Franco-German Relations (Cerfa) at the Institut français des relations internationales (ifri), the French Institute of International Relations.
