We are launching the first issue of IPQ focused on the question of our times: the future of the transatlantic relationship.
Relations between the United States and Europe are at an historic juncture. The US elections in November will be decisive in determining whether the transatlantic partnership will be affirmed and tuned to new challenges or will fracture and collapse.
There has been much heralding of the end of globalization wrought by the COVID-19 pandemic. But a closer look reveals that, if anything, the crisis could bind the US, the EU, and China closer together, if in a less stable way.
The rapid rise of China is inevitably forcing a major shift in the US-European relationship. It is time for both sides to root the transatlantic bond in shared interests, rather than often ill-defined values. Fortunately, such a basis exists.
The EU’s coronavirus recovery package is much greener than that of China or the US. Brussels hopes that its partner-competitors follow its lead next year.
The Navalny case seems to be bringing about a fundamental rethink of Germany’s Russia policy. This is a very good thing.
In their attempt to defuse the confrontation between Ankara and Athens, tactical differences between Germany and France may actually deliver more than speaking with one voice.
With trouble brewing in Belarus, the Mediterranean, and the Middle East, many eyes are turning to German Foreign Minister Heiko Maas. But he is not the power-broker type.
The French are self-involved, or so the cliché goes. But they are no chauvinists—just ask the French president.
The German chancellor has signaled that climate protection is high on her EU presidency agenda. She is well positioned to advance her goals.
The German chancellor is about to preside over her second EU presidency. Conflicts over the EU budget, Brexit, and China are looming large.
The German government is increasingly adopting a French outlook on economics and geopolitics. The stars are aligning for a renaissance of the Franco-German tandem.